The Paris Commune, The World’s First Worker Revolution

Hassan Maarfi Poor

Translated by Farhad Sharifi

Introduction

In this article, I will briefly attempt to examine the various aspects of the world’s first workers’ revolution, namely the Paris Commune. This event has been met with differing interpretations from revolutionary, reactionary, and counter-revolutionary forces. While for socialists, revolutionaries, communists, anarchists, and internationalists worldwide, the Paris Commune represents the brief experience of one of the most important revolutionary events and the establishment of the most democratic form of workers’ government, for the counter-revolutionary and anti-communist bourgeoisie, for the aristocracy, for the enemies of the liberation of the oppressed and the enemies of the workers, it is like a thorn stuck in their eyes.

My acquaintance with the history of the Paris Commune dates back many years,to when I first read the book The Civil War in France in Persian. In 2010, I decided to write an article on Marxist state theory. This research resulted in a short article1 published on the “Oktober” website. Writing this article compelled me to study various works by Marx, Engels, and Lenin, including The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, The Civil War in France, Critique of the Gotha Programme, Anti-Dühring, The German Ideology, State and Revolution, and the Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844. This article is available on the “Oktober” blog and, although it does not fully elaborate on Marxist state theory, writing it required me to study the history of the Paris Commune once again, albeit somewhat superficially.

In 2015 and 2016, I resumed reading Marx’s works in German and authored two papers as part of my university research—though perhaps not particularly strong ones—titled “The Welfare State: Product of Class Struggle or Bourgeois Humanism?2” and “Marxism and Foucault: An Analysis of the Concept of Power3“. Although these papers were sound in terms of methodology and theoretical grounding, the difficulty I had writing academically in German at the time prevented me from delving deeply into the subject matter.

In 2021, there was a German-language YouTube channel called “Tage der Commune” (Days of the Commune4). Every morning, from March 18, 2021, until the day the Commune was finally defeated after the “Bloody Week,” this channel released content ranging from music to interviews and book presentations. During that period, which coincided with the COVID-19 lockdown, I was one of the first people watching this program each morning. The “Tage der Commune” YouTube channel further acquainted me with lesser-known aspects of the Commune.

Undoubtedly, this article does not have the scope to cover all the issues surrounding Paris Commune; therefore, I invite readers to consult not only this article but also the sources mentioned herein, as well as other resources, to gain a more detailed understanding of the complex facets of the Commune.

The Realpolitik of the PKK at an Impasse

A Marxist Critique and Review of the PKK and its Sub-currents in Theory and Praxis

By Hassan Maarefipour
Traslated by Farhad Sharifi

Introduction

As I have indicated in previous articles on various topics, I will henceforth strive to avoid scattered writing and fragmented arguments, focusing instead on coherently critiquing and analyzing political currents and theoretical issues. However, beyond my preferred approach, certain events compel any serious and active political actor to address them, and I am no exception. I hope this material and method can be effective and well-received by workers and toilers (the working class).

Discussing the PKK is immensely difficult because this current is a postmodern Querfront party. It encompasses everything from left to right, socialist to fascist, mystic to radical Muslim, atheist to Salafist, Alevi, Sunni, Twelver Shiite, nationalist, internationalist, feminist, and anti-feminist, covering a vast array of ideologies and diverse subgroups. Regardless of any criticisms rightly or wrongly directed at it, and regardless of the readers’ proximity to or distance from this party, the PKK is one of the strongest and most influential forces in the arena of realpolitik, not just in Turkey but in the Middle East. This characteristic is such that any attempt by imperialist forces and regional states to intervene in the political equations of Iraq, Syria, Turkey, and Iran cannot be conceived without considering the role of this movement and the populist, “all-inclusive” organizations affiliated with it. Although any claim by this current to be an organization opposing imperialist realpolitik is unrealistic, its presence as a fluid and undeniable force and current in international dynamics makes its examination and analysis important. It is precisely for this reason that the author will address it in this text.

The PKK, even at the height of its armed struggle, is a party that functions in line with complementing imperialist realpolitik. It bears a strong resemblance to Germany’s Left Party (Die Linke1), which is one of its closest allies in Europe. Since I have previously critiqued the Left Party in another article, I will refrain from repeating that here.

The only difference between Germany’s Left Party and the PKK is that while a part of the German Left Party has accepted postmodernism, it has not declared outright hostility to Marxist theory and still presents itself as following the Marxist and working-class tradition. The PKK, however, has entirely abandoned any positive approach towards Marxism in its totality and has become a completely postmodern anti-Marxist party. To clarify the issues mentioned, in this text, in addition to rewriting and revisiting older material, I will address the latest issues and recent policies of the PKK and currents close to it.